June 3, 1997
American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives
have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from
within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world.
They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure
potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security
and advance American interests in the new century.
We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support
for American global leadership.
As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands
as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge:
Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve
to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?
We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing
the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built
up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant
leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term
commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability
to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.
We seem to have forgotten the
essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future
challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that
accepts the United States' global responsibilities.
Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises
its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its
exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our
responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us
that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history
of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.
Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw
their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:
• we need to increase defense spending significantly
if we are to carry out our global
responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;
• we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies
and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;
• we need to promote the cause of political and economic
freedom abroad;
• we need to accept responsibility for America's unique
role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.
Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity
may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and
to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.
Elliott Abrams Gary Bauer William J. Bennett Jeb Bush
Dick Cheney Eliot A. Cohen Midge Decter
Paula Dobriansky Steve
Forbes Aaron Friedberg
Francis Fukuyama Frank Gaffney Fred
C. Ikle
Donald Kagan Zalmay Khalilzad I. Lewis Libby
Norman Podhoretz Dan Quayle Peter W. Rodman
Stephen P. Rosen Henry
S. Rowen Donald Rumsfeld
Vin Weber George Weigel Paul Wolfowitz
