Recruiting At Any CostHow The Pentagon Keeps The New Recruits ComingBy Natasha SaulnierPublished on Friday, December 10, 2004 by CommonDreams.org
With the number of
American casualties in Iraq increasing daily for a war that now even Sec. of State Colin Powell believes is lost, it may come
as a surprise that recruitment rates are still up. The Pentagon reports that for the year 2004, its 15,000 recruiters have
already recruited over 212,000 people, surpassing its goal of 210,000, at a cost of $ 14,000 per recruit, and Marine Staff
Sergeant Mark Ayalin at Quantico Recruiting Command confirms, “Recruitment figures haven't been affected by the situation
in Iraq at all.”
This triumphant stance conceals a more grim reality. In its 2003 Government Accounting Office (GAO) Report, the Pentagon
stated that “convincing young adults to join the military has become more difficult.” At the same time, the Department
of Defense’s budget for recruiting reached a record $4 billion for the fiscal year 2003 according to a Government Accounting
Office report, and the portion of that budget devoted to advertising nearly doubled in the past five years, from $299 million
in 1998 to $592 million in 2003. In the same period, the Army alone increased its advertising spending by 73 percent to $197
million, and the Air Force the same budget by 395 percent to $90.5 million. The advertising cost per new enlisted recruit
has nearly tripled from $640 in 1990 to almost $1,900 last year.
A 1996 Navy Recruiting Command study admits “In our analysis, family incomes proved to be the most important economic
variable … Enlistment rates are much higher when income is lowest and college enrollment rates are low.” And,
unsurprisingly, as Michael Moore points out in his film Fahrenheit 9/11, recruiters target 17 or 18 year-olds desperate to escape the lower classes. “Economic conscription is easier when
the economy gets bad. Recruiters often amplify the bad economic conditions and present themselves as the only strategy," explained
counter recruiter and former publisher of AWOL magazine Mario Hardy.
The No Child Left Behind Act, enacted in 2001, and the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year of 2002 have
made economic conscription much easier. They require every high school receiving federal education funds to hand over the
names, addresses and phone numbers of every junior and senior to local military recruitment officers.
Since these public schools targeted are predominantly located in poor communities, the African-American and Hispanic communities
find themselves heavily preyed upon. Billboards for the Armed Services proliferate noticeably in the poorest neighborhoods.
Military marketing firms utilize ethnic marketing to devise what they call “specialized campaigns.” For instance,
the Navy created a Web site it calls “El Navy,” which is designed to better communicate with the Hispanic market,
and the Army has specifically tailored radio advertisements to reach the African American market. The military also advertise
heavily in hip-hop magazines such as The Source.
Brentwood high school, one of the largest and poorest working-class schools on Long Island, New York, has a federally subsidized
Reserve Officers Training Corps program. Every year 15 to 30 of its students join the military after graduating. This year
alone, three of Brentwood’s graduates have been killed in Afghanistan and Iraq.
But poverty often breeds higher crime rates and more acute medical problems and recruiters find themselves in a catch 22
situation. "Because of drug use, criminal offense, weight and other health problems, only about 3 of every 10 potential recruits
are even technically eligible to join the Army on today's standards, but recruiters are pressured to recruit two or three
"bodies" a month. Therefore they have to lie," said an Army recruiter on active duty wishing to remain anonymous. According
to military lawyers and recruiters, the “lies” involve serious deception. "The system is structured using lies
to get people in," explained director of the Washington-based Center of Conscience and War, J. E. McNeil.
"Recruiters don’t just lie about the money for college, their Military Occupational Specialty or tell them they won't
go to combat. They tell the recruits to lie about their medical and drug histories and their criminal records. There's widespread
deception and dishonesty," said military lawyer Luke Hiken. "Pretty much everybody I knew in the Marines had to lie about
their medical history to get in," said former assistant recruiter Chris White. "One guy had previously attempted suicide;
he went crazy, cut his neck, and had a big scar from it. I told him to say he fell off a truck into a barb-wired fence; he
got in. Some guys would tell me they did coke or heroin; I'd tell them ‘it was weed,’" said the Army recruiter.
In the Vietnam era, Judges often offered enlistment as an alternative to prosecution and jail time. But after Vietnam,
Congress passed legislation to prevent this practice. But former recruiters and military lawyers affirm that it is still taking
place in a more covert form, with judges often working in concert with recruiters to drop charges. "The district attorney
would call me twice a month and give me the names and phone numbers of people he thought could benefit from being in the army.
Four out of five would usually join,” explained the Army recruiter.
"Out of 75 contracts, maybe five were qualified. I got approximately 40 unsupervised probations dropped," said former Marine
Staff Sergeant Jimmy Massey. From 1999 to 2001, Massey worked in what recruiters refer to as a "low impact area," where crime
rates are comparatively low, which means he could only have misdemeanor charges dropped. He added, "I couldn't do anything
for felonies. But, obviously, that depends on the district. Recruiters from the Bronx were always bragging about having felonies
dropped."
Carl Nyberg, a former Navy recruiter and investigator, says “recruits are encouraged by recruiters to lie yet they
are the only ones to suffer the consequences of these lies in the event of an investigation.” Between 1993 and 1995,
14 cases were brought against the Navy for criminal concealment in recruiting in Chicago. But in what seems to be the norm
for such charges, the majority of allegations were declared “unsubstantiated” by the Navy Recruiting Command,
evincing a culture of impunity. While the recruiters were simply recommended for further training or given a non-punitive
letter of caution, the recruits themselves were dishonorably discharged. Nyberg adds, "Those investigations were a complete
misrepresentation. Recruiters are the ones that are untrustworthy, 90% of deceit is solicited by recruiters."
When pressed for a comment, Staff Sergeant Ayalin at Quantico’s Public Affairs Office said he’d “never
heard of any recruiter lying” and that recruiters were “trained to provide the right information,” but finally
admitted, “I’ve heard of some things. I can’t give you any specific example. I’d have to look for
that type of misconduct.”
The story of Tim Queen, a mentally and physically handicapped man, exemplifies this type of misconduct. Ordered by his
gunnery sergeant to recruit Queen, Sgt. Massey sent him to boot camp. "I told them I had a twitch but they said not to worry
about it. I spent three or four days in boot camp but they decided to kick me out," said Queen, who shaved his eyebrows in
boot camp after dreaming a drill instructor told him to do so. Massey was exonerated by both the Marine Corps and a congressional
investigation, but Queen, who is still very much affected by the experience, was discharged for “fraudulent enlistment.”
Congressman Charles Taylor’s [Republican, North Carolina] Press Office said they had been “strictly advised not
to make any comment on the case.”
Natasha Saulnier is a freelance reporter whose articles appear in The Independent (UK), Liberation and L'Humanite among
other newspapers. She is currently writing former Staff Sergeant Jimmy Massey's war memoir, 'Cowboys From Hell', which should
be published in September.
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Source:
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