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The British White Papers
British White Paper of June 1922
The Secretary of State for the Colonies has given renewed consideration to the existing political situation in Palestine,
with a very earnest desire to arrive at a settlement of the outstanding questions which have given rise to uncertainty and
unrest among certain sections of the population. After consultation with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert
Samuel] the following statement has been drawn up. It summarizes the essential parts of the correspondence that has already
taken place between the Secretary of State and a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society of Palestine, which has been
for some time in England, and it states the further conclusions which have since been reached.
The tension which has prevailed from time to time in Palestine is mainly due to apprehensions, which are entertained both
by sections of the Arab and by sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions, so far as the Arabs are concerned are
partly based upon exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the [Balfour] Declaration favouring the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's Government on 2nd November,
1917.
Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases
have been used such as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England is English." His Majesty's Government regard any
such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated, as appears to be feared
by the Arab deegation, the disappearance or the subordination of the Arabic population, language, or culture in Palestine.
They would draw attention to the fact that the terms of the Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a
whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded `in Palestine.' In this connection
it has been observed with satisfaction that at a meeting of the Zionist Congress, the supreme governing body of the Zionist
Organization, held at Carlsbad in September, 1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official statement of Zionist
aims "the determination of the Jewish people to live with the Arab people on terms of unity and mutual respect, and together
with them to make the common home into a flourishing community, the upbuilding of which may assure to each of its peoples
an undisturbed national development."
It is also necessary to point out that the Zionist Commission in Palestine, now termed the Palestine Zionist Executive,
has not desired to possess, and does not possess, any share in the general administration of the country. Nor does the special
position assigned to the Zionist Organization in Article IV of the Draft Mandate for Palestine imply any such functions. That
special position relates to the measures to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish population, and contemplates that the
organization may assist in the general development of the country, but does not entitle it to share in any degree in its government.
Further, it is contemplated that the status of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of the law shall be Palestinian, and
it has never been intended that they, or any section of them, should possess any other juridical status. So far as the Jewish
population of Palestine are concerned it appears that some among them are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government may depart
from the policy embodied in the Declaration of 1917. It is necessary, therefore, once more to affirm that these fears are unfounded, and that that Declaration, re affirmed by
the Conference of the Principle Allied Powers at San Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres, is not susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community, now numbering 80,000, of whom
about one fourth are farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs; an elected assembly for
the direction of its domestic concerns; elected councils in the towns; and an organization for the control of its schools.
It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious affairs. Its business is conducted
in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and displays
considerable economic activity. This community, then, with its town and country population, its political, religious, and
social organizations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact "national" characteristics. When it is
asked what is meant by the development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the imposition
of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community,
with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as
a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have the
best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential
that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on the sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary
that the existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally
recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection.
This, then, is the interpretation which His Majesty's Government place upon the Declaration of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary of State is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything which need cause either
alarm to the Arab population of Palestine or disappointment to the Jews.
For the fulfilment of this policy it is necessary that the Jewish community in Palestine should be able to increase its
numbers by immigration. This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of
the country at the time to absorb new arrivals. It is essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon
the people of Palestine as a whole, and that they should not deprive any section of the present population of their employment.
Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled these conditions. The number of immigrants since the British occupation has been about
25,000.
It is necessary also to ensure that persons who are politically undesirable be excluded from Palestine, and every precaution
has been and will be taken by the Administration to that end.
It is intended that a special committee should be established in Palestine, consisting entirely of members of the new Legislative
Council elected by the people, to confer with the administration upon matters relating to the regulation of immigration. Should
any difference of opinion arise between this committee and the Administration, the matter will be referred to His Majesty's
Government, who will give it special consideration. In addition, under Article 81 of the draft Palestine Order in Council,
any religious community or considerable section of the population of Palestine will have a general right to appeal, through
the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State, to the League of Nations on any matter on which they may consider that the
terms of the Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government of Palestine.
With reference to the Constitution which it is now intended to establish in Palestine, the draft of which has already been
published, it is desirable to make certain points clear. In the first place, it is not the case, as has been represented by
the Arab Delegation, that during the war His Majesty's Government gave an undertaking that an independent national government
should be at once established in Palestine. This representation mainly rests upon a letter dated the 24th October, 1915, from
Sir Henry McMahon, then His Majesty's High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif of Mecca, now King Hussein of the Kingdom
of the Hejaz. That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to the Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence
of the Arabs within the territories proposed by him. But this promise was given subject to a reservation made in the same
letter, which excluded from its scope, among other territories, the portions of Syria lying to the west of the District of
Damascus. This reservation has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the
independent Sanjak of Jerusalem. The whole of Palestine west of the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. Henry McMahon's pledge.
Nevertheless, it is the intention of His Majesty's overnment to foster the establishment of a full measure of self government
in Palestine. But they are of the opinion that, in the special circumstances of that country, this should be accomplished
by gradual stages and not suddenly. The first step was taken when, on the institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated
Advisory Council, which now exists, was established. It was stated at the time by the High Commissioner that this was the
first step in the development of self governing institutions, and it is now proposed to take a second step by the establishment
of a Legislative Council containing a large proportion of members elected on a wide franchise. It was proposed in the published
draft that three of the members of this Council should be non official persons nominated by the High Commissioner, but representations
having been made in opposition to this provision, based on cogent considerations, the Secretary of State is prepared to omit
it. The legislative Council would then consist of the High Commissioner as President and twelve elected and ten official members.
The Secretary of State is of the opinion that before a further measure of self government is extended to Palestine and the
Assembly placed in control over the Executive, it would be wise to allow some time to elapse. During this period the institutions
of the country will have become well established; its financial credit will be based on firm foundations, and the Palestinian
officials will have been enabled to gain experience of sound methods of government. After a few years the situation will be
again reviewed, and if the experience of the working of the constitution now to be established so warranted, a larger share
of authority would then be extended to the elected representatives of the people.
The Secretary of State would point out that already the present administration has transferred to a Supreme Council elected
by the Moslem community of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious endowments (Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious
Courts. To this Council the Administration has also voluntarily restored considerable revenues derived from ancient endowments
which have been sequestrated by the Turkish Government. The Education Department is also advised by a committee representative
of all sections of the population, and the Department of Commerce and Industry has the benefit of the co operation of the
Chambers of Commerce which have been established in the principal centres. It is the intention of the Administration to associate
in an increased degree similar representative committees with the various Deparments of the Government.
The Secretary of State believes that a policy upon these lines, coupled with the maintenance of the fullest religious liberty
in Palestine and with scrupulous regard for the rights of each community with reference to its Holy Places, cannot but commend
itself to the various sections of the population, and that upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation upon
which the future progress and prosperity of the Holy Land must largely depend.
British White Paper of 1939
In the statement on Palestine, issued on 9 November, 1938, His Majesty's Government announced their intention to invite
representatives of the Arabs of Palestine, of certain neighboring countries and of the Jewish Agency to confer with them in
London regarding future policy. It was their sincere hope that, as a result of full, free and frank discussions, some understanding
might be reached. Conferences recently took place with Arab and Jewish delegations, lasting for a period of several weeks,
and served the purpose of a complete exchange of views between British Ministers and the Arab and Jewish representatives.
In the light of the discussions as well as of the situation in Palestine and of the Reports of the Royal Commission and the
Partition Commission, certain proposals were formulated by His Majesty's Government and were laid before the Arab and Jewish
Delegations as the basis of an agreed settlement. Neither the Arab nor the Jewish delegation felt able to accept these proposals,
and the conferences therefore did not result in an agreement. Accordingly His Majesty's Government are free to formulate their
own policy, and after careful consideration they have decided to adhere generally to the proposals which were finally submitted
to and discussed with the Arab and Jewish delegations.
The Mandate for Palestine, the terms of which were confirmed by the Council of the League of Nations in 1922, has governed the policy of successive
British Governments for nearly 20 years. It embodies the Balfour Declaration and imposes on the Mandatory four main obligations. These obligations are set out in Article 2, 6 and 13 of the Mandate. There is no dispute regarding the interpretation of one of these obligations, that touching the protection
of and access to the Holy Places and religious building or sites. The other three main obligations are generally as follows:
To place the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment in Palestine
of a national home for the Jewish People. To facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions, and to encourage, in
cooperation with the Jewish Agency, close settlement by Jews on the Land.
To safeguard the civil and religious rights of all inhabitants of Palestine irrespective of race and religion, and, whilst
facilitating Jewish immigration and settlement, to ensure that the rights and position of other sections of the population
are not prejudiced.
To place the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the development of self
governing institutions.
The Royal Commission and previous commissions of Enquiry have drawn attention to the ambiguity of certain expressions in
the Mandate, such as the expression `a national home for the Jewish people', and they have found in this ambiguity and the
resulting uncertainty as to the objectives of policy a fundamental cause of unrest and hostility between Arabs and Jews. His
Majesty's Government are convinced that in the interests of the peace and well being of the whole people of Palestine a clear
definition of policy and objectives is essential. The proposal of partition recommended by the Royal Commission would have
afforded such clarity, but the establishment of self supporting independent Arab and Jewish States within Palestine has been
found to be impracticable. It has therefore been necessary for His Majesty's Government to devise an alternative policy which
will, consistent with their obligations to Arabs and Jews, meet the needs of the situation in Palestine. Their views and proposals
are set forth below under three heads, Section I, "The Constitution", Section II. Immigration and Section III. Land.
Section I. "The Constitution"
It has been urged that the expression "a national home for the Jewish people" offered a prospect that Palestine might in
due course become a Jewish State or Commonwealth. His Majesty's Government do not wish to contest the view, which was expressed
by the Royal Commission, that the Zionist leaders at the time of the issue of the Balfour Declaration recognised that an ultimate
Jewish State was not precluded by the terms of the Declaration. But, with the Royal Commission, His Majesty's Government believe
that the framers of the Mandate in which the Balfour Declaration was embodied could not have intended that Palestine should be converted into a Jewish State against the will of the Arab
population of the country. That Palestine was not to be converted into a Jewish State might be held to be implied in the passage
from the Command Paper of 1922 which reads as follows
"Unauthorized statements have been made to the effect that the purpose in view is to create a wholly Jewish Palestine.
Phrases have been used such as that `Palestine is to become as Jewish as England is English.' His Majesty's Government regard
any such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated .... the disappearance
or the subordination of the Arabic population, language or culture in Palestine. They would draw attention to the fact that
the terms of the (Balfour) Declaration referred to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a
Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded IN PALESTINE."
But this statement has not removed doubts, and His Majesty's Government therefore now declare unequivocally that it is
not part of their policy that Palestine should become a Jewish State. They would indeed regard it as contrary to their obligations
to the Arabs under the Mandate, as well as to the assurances which have been given to the Arab people in the past, that the
Arab population of Palestine should be made the subjects of a Jewish State against their will.
The nature of the Jewish National Home in Palestine was further described in the Command Paper of 1922 as follows
"During the last two or three generations the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community now numbering 80,000, of whom
about one fourth are farmers or workers upon the land. This community has its own political organs; an elected assembly for
the direction of its domestic concerns; elected councils in the towns; and an organisation for the control of its schools.
It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction of its religious affairs. Its business is conducted
in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew press serves its needs. It has its distinctive intellectual life and displays
considerable economic activity. This community, then, with its town and country population, its political, religious and social
organisations, its own language, its own customs, its own life, has in fact `national' characteristics. When it is asked what
is meant by the development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the imposition of
a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community,
with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as
a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and pride. But in order that this community should have the
best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential
that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that
the existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally
recognised to rest upon ancient historic connection."
His Majesty's Government adhere to this intepretation of the (Balfour) Declaration of 1917 and regard it as an authoritative and comprehensive description of the character of the Jewish National Home in Palestine.
It envisaged the further development of the existing Jewish community with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world.
Evidence that His Majesty's Government have been carrying out their obligation in this respect is to be found in the facts
that, since the statement of 1922 was published, more than 300,000 Jews have immigrated to Palestine, and that the population
of the National Home has risen to some 450,000, or approaching a third of the entire population of the country. Nor has the
Jewish community failed to take full advantage of the opportunities given to it. The growth of the Jewish National Home and
its acheivements in many fields are a remarkable constructive effort which must command the admiration of the world and must
be, in particular, a source of pride to the Jewish people.
In the recent discussions the Arab delegations have repeated the contention that Palestine was included within the area
in which Sir Henry McMahon, on behalf of the British Government, in October, 1915, undertook to recognise and support Arab
independence. The validity of this claim, based on the terms of the correspondence which passed between Sir Henry McMahon
and the Sharif of Mecca, was thoroughly and carefully investigated by the British and Arab representatives during the recent
conferences in London. Their report, which has been published, states that both the Arab and the British representatives endeavoured
to understand the point of view of the other party but that they were unable to reach agreement upon an interpretation of
the correspondence. There is no need to summarize here the arguments presented by each side. His Majesty's Government regret
the misunderstandings which have arisen as regards some of the phrases used. For their part they can only adhere, for the
reasons given by their representatives in the Report, to the view that the whole of Palestine west of Jordan was excluded
from Sir Henry McMahon's pledge, and they therefore cannot agree that the McMahon correspondence forms a just basis for the
claim that Palestine should be converted into an Arab State.
His Majesty's Government are charged as the Mandatory authority "to secure the development of self governing institutions"
in Palestine. Apart from this specific obligation, they would regard it as contrary to the whole spirit of the Mandate system
that the population of Palestine should remain forever under Mandatory tutelage. It is proper that the people of the country
should as early as possible enjoy the rights of self-government which are exercised by the people of neighbouring countries.
His Majesty's Government are unable at present to foresee the exact constitutional forms which government in Palestine will
eventually take, but their objective is self government, and they desire to see established ultimately an independent Palestine
State. It should be a State in which the two peoples in Palestine, Arabs and Jews, share authority in government in such a
way that the essential interests of each are shared.
The establishment of an independent State and the complete relinquishmnet of Mandatory control in Palestine would require
such relations between the Arabs and the Jews as would make good government possible. Moreover, the growth of self governing
institutions in Palestine, as in other countries, must be an evolutionary process. A transitional period will be required
before independence is achieved, throughout which ultimate responsibility for the Government of the country will be retained
by His Majesty's Government as the Mandatory authority, while the people of the country are taking an increasing share in
the Government, and understanding and cooperation amongst them are growing. It will be the constant endeavour of His Majesty's
Government to promote good relations between the Arabs and the Jews.
In the light of these considerations His Majesty's Government make the following declaration of their intentions regarding
the future government of Palestine:
The objective of His Majesty's Government is the establishment within 10 years of an independent Palestine State in such
treaty relations with the United Kingdom as will provide satisfactorily for the commercial and strategic requirements of both
countries in the future. The proposal for the establishment of the independent State would involve consultation with the Council
of the League of Nations with a view to the termination of the Mandate.
The independent State should be one in which Arabs and Jews share government in such a way as to ensure that the essential
interests of each community are safeguarded.
The establishment of the independent State will be preceded by a transitional period throughout which His Majesty's Government
will retain responsibility for the country. During the transitional period the people of Palestine will be given an increasing
part in the government of their country. Both sections of the population will have an opportunity to participate in the machinery
of government, and the process will be carried on whether or not they both avail themselves of it.
As soon as peace and order have been sufficiently restored in Palestine steps will be taken to carry out this policy of
giving the people of Palestine an increasing part in the government of their country, the objective being to place Palestinians
in charge of all the Departments of Government, with the assistance of British advisers and subject to the control of the
High Commissioner. Arab and Jewish representatives will be invited to serve as heads of Departments approximately in proportion
to their respective populations. The number of Palestinians in charge of Departments will be increased as circumstances permit
until all heads of Departments are Palestinians, exercising the administrative and advisory functions which are presently
performed by British officials. When that stage is reached consideration will be given to the question of converting the Executive
Council into a Council of Ministers with a consequential change in the status and functions of the Palestinian heads of Departments.
His Majesty's Government make no proposals at this stage regarding the establishment of an elective legislature. Nevertheless
they would regard this as an appropriate constitutional development, and, should public opinion in Palestine hereafter show
itself in favour of such a development, they will be prepared, provided that local conditions permit, to establish the necessary
machinery.
At the end of five years from the restoration of peace and order, an appropriate body representative of the people of Palestine
and of His Majesty's Government will be set up to review the working of the constitutional arrangements during the transitional
period and to consider and make recommendations regarding the constitution of the independent Palestine State.
His Majesty's Government will require to be satisfied that in the treaty contemplated by sub-paragraph (6) adequate provision
has been made for:
the security of, and freedom of access to the Holy Places, and protection of the interests and property of the various
religious bodies.
the protection of the different communities in Palestine in accordance with the obligations of His Majesty's Government
to both Arabs and Jews and for the special position in Palestine of the Jewish NationalHome.
such requirements to meet the strategic situation as may be regarded as necessary by His Majesty's Government in the light
of the circumstances then existing. His Majesty's Government will also require to be satisfied that the interests of certain
foreign countries in Palestine, for the preservation of which they are at present responsible, are adequately safeguarded.
His Majesty's Government will do everything in their power to create conditions which will enable the independent Palestine
State to come into being within 10 years. If, at the end of 10 years, it appears to His Majesty's Government that, contrary
to their hope, circumstances require the postponement of the establishment of the independent State, they will consult with
representatives of the people of Palestine, the Council of the League of Nations and the neighbouring Arab States before deciding
on such a postponement. If His Majesty's Government come to the conclusion that postponement is unavoidable, they will invite
the co-operation of these parties in framing plans for the future with a view to achieving the desired objective at the earliest
possible date.
During the transitional period steps will be taken to increase the powers and responsibilities of municipal corporations
and local councils.
Section II. Immigration
Under Article 6 of the Mandate, the Administration of Palestine, "while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not
prejudiced," is required to "facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions." Beyond this, the extent to which Jewish
immigration into Palestine is to be permitted is nowhere defined in the Mandate. But in the Command Paper of 1922 it was laid down that for the fulfilment of the policy of establishing a Jewish National Home:
"it is necessary that the Jewish commun ity in Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by immigration. This immigration
cannot be so great in volume as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals.
It is essential to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden upon the people of Palestine as a whole, and that they
should not deprive any section of the present population of their employment."
In practice, from that date onwards until recent times, the economic absorptive capacity of the country has been treated
as the sole limiting factor, and in the letter which Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, as Prime Minister, sent to Dr. Weizmann in February
1931 it was laid down as a matter of policy that economic absorptive capacity was the sole criterion. This interpretation
has been supported by resolutions of the Permanent Mandates Commissioner. But His Majesty's Government do not read either
the Statement of Policy of 1922 or the letter of 1931 as implying that the Mandate requires them, for all time and in all circumstances, to facilitate the immigration of Jews into Palestine subject only to
consideration of the country's economic absorptive capacity. Nor do they find anything in the Mandate or in subsequent Statements
of Policy to support the view that the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine cannot be effected unless immigration
is allowed to continue indefinitely. If immigration has an adverse effect on the economic position in the country, it should
clearly be restricted; and equally, if it has a seriously damaging effect on the political position in the country, that is
a factor that should not be ignored. Although it is not difficult to contend that the large number of Jewish immigrants who
have been admitted so far have been absrobed economically, the fear of the Arabs that this influx will continue indefinitely
until the Jewish population is in a position to dominate them has produced consequences which are extremely grave for Jews
and Arabs alike and for the peace and prosperity of Palestine. The lamentable disturbances of the past three years are only
the latest and most sustained manifestation of this intense Arab apprehension. The methods employed by Arab terrorists against
fellow Arabs and Jews alike must receive unqualified condemnation. But it cannot be denied that fear of indefinite Jewish
immigration is widespread amongst the Arab population and that this fear has made possible disturbances which have given a
serious setback to economic progress, depleted the Palestine exchequer, rendered life and property insecure, and produced
a bitterness between the Arab and Jewish populations which is deplorable between citizens of the same country. If in these
circumstances immigration is continued up to the economic absorptive capacity of the country, regardless of all other considerations,
a fatal enmity between the two peoples will be perpetuated, and the situation in Palestine may become a permanent source of
friction amongst all peoples in the Near and Middle East. His Majesty's Government cannot take the view that either their
obligations under the Mandate, or considerations of common sense and justice, require that they should ignore these circumstances
in framing immigration policy.
In the view of the Royal Commission the association of the policy of the Balfour Declaration with the Mandate system implied
the belief that Arab hostility to the former would sooner or later be overcome. It has been the hope of British Governments
ever since the Balfour Declaration was issued that in time the Arab population, recognizing the advantages to be derived from Jewish settlement and development
in Palestine, would become reconciled to the further growth of the Jewish National Home. This hope has not been fulfilled.
The alternatives before His Majesty's Government are either (i) to seek to expand the Jewish National Home indefinitely by
immigration, against the strongly expressed will of the Arab people of the country; or (ii) to permit further expansion of
the Jewish National Home by immigration only if the Arabs are prepared to acquiesce in it. The former policy means rule by
force. Apart from other considerations, such a policy seems to His Majesty's Government to be contrary to the whole spirit
of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as to their specific obligations to the Arabs in the Palestine Mandate. Moreover, the relations between the Arabs
and the Jews in Palestine must be based sooner or later on mutual tolerance and goodwill; the peace, security and progress
of the Jewish National Home itself requires this. Therefore His Majesty's Government, after earnest consideration, and taking
into account the extent to which the growth of the Jewish National Home has been facilitated over the last twenty years, have
decided that the time has come to adopt in principle the second of the alternatives referred to above.
It has been urged that all further Jewish immigration into Palestine should be stopped forthwith. His Majesty's Government
cannot accept such a proposal. It would damage the whole of the financial and economic system of Palestine and thus effect
adversely the interests of Arabs and Jews alike. Moreover, in the view of His Majesty's Government, abruptly to stop further
immigration would be unjust to the Jewish National Home. But, above all, His Majesty's Government are conscious of the present
unhappy plight of large numbers of Jews who seek refuge from certain European countries, and they believe that Palestine can
and should make a further contribution to the solution of this pressing world problem. In all these circumstances, they believe
that they will be acting consistently with their Mandatory obligations to both Arabs and Jews, and in the manner best calculated
to serve the interests of the whole people of Palestine, by adopting the following proposals regarding immigration:
Jewish immigration during the next five years will be at a rate which, if economic absorptive capacity permits, will bring
the Jewish population up to approximately one third of the total population of the country. Taking into account the expected
natural increase of the Arab and Jewish populations, and the number of illegal Jewish immigrants now in the country, this
would allow of the admission, as from the beginning of April this year, of some 75,000 immigrants over the next five years.
These immigrants would, subject to the criterion of economic absorptive capacity, be admitted as follows:
For each of the next five years a quota of 10,000 Jewish immigrants will be allowed on the understanding that a shortage
one year may be added to the quotas for subsequent years, within the five year period, if economic absorptive capacity permits.
In addition, as a contribution towards the solution of the Jewish refugee problem, 25,000 refugees will be admitted as
soon as the High Commissioner is satisfied that adequate provision for their maintenance is ensured, special consideration
being given to refugee children anddependents.
The existing machinery for ascertaining economic absorptive capacity will be retained, and the High Commissioner will have
the ultimate responsibility for deciding the limits of economic capacity. Before each periodic decision is taken, Jewish and
Arab representatives will be consulted.
After the period of five years, no further Jewish immigration will be permitted unless the Arabs of Palestine are prepared
to acquiesce in it.
His Majesty's Government are determined to check illegal immigration, and further preventive measures are being adopted.
The numbers of any Jewish illegal immigrants who, despite these measures, may succeed in coming into the country and cannot
be deported will be deducted from the yearly quotas.
His Majesty's Government are satisfied that, when the immigration over five years which is now contemplated has taken place,
they will not be justified in facilitating, nor will they be under any obligation to facilitate, the further development of
the Jewish National Home by immigration regardless of the wishes of the Arab population.
Section III. Land
The Administration of Palestine is required, under Article 6 of the Mandate, "while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced," to encourage "close
settlement by Jews on the land," and no restriction has been imposed hitherto on the transfer of land from Arabs to Jews.
The Reports of several expert Commissions have indictaed that, owing to the natural growth of the Arab population and the
steady sale in recent years of Arab land to Jews, there is now in certain areas no room for further transfers of Arab land,
whilst in some other areas such transfers of land must be restricted if Arab cultivators are to maintain their existing standard
of life and a considerable landless Arab population is not soon to be created. In these circumstances, the High Commissioner
will be given general powers to prohibit and regulate transfers of land. These powers will date from the publication of this
statement of policy and the High Commissioner will retain them throughout the transitional period.
The policy of the Government will be directed towards the development of the land and the improvement, where possible,
of methods of cultivation. In the light of such development it will be open to the High Commissioner, should he be satisfied
that the "rights and position" of the Arab population will be duly preserved, to review and modify any orders passed relating
to the prohibition or restriction of the transfer of land.
In framing these proposals His Majesty's Government have sincerely endeavoured to act in strict accordance with their obligations
under the Mandate to both the Arabs and the Jews. The vagueness of the phrases employed in some instances to describe these
obligations has led to controversy and has made the task of interpretation difficult. His Majesty's Government cannot hope
to satisfy the partisans of one party or the other in such controversy as the Mandate has aroused. Their purpose is to be
just as between the two people in Palestine whose destinies in that country have been affected by the great events of recent
years, and who, since they live side by side, must learn to practice mutual tolerance, goodwill and co operation. In looking
to the future, His Majesty's Government are not blind to the fact that some events of the past make the task of creating these
relations difficult; but they are encouraged by the knowledge that as many times and in many places in Palestine during recent
years the Arab and Jewish inhabitants have lived in friendship together. Each community has much to contribute to the welfare
of their common land, and each must earnestly desire peace in which to assist in increasing the well being of the whole people
of the country. The responsibility which falls on them, no less than upon His Majesty's Government, to co operate together
to ensure peace is all the more solemn because their country is revered by many millions of Moslems, Jews and Christians throughout
the world who pray for peace in Palestine and for the happiness of her people.
Source: historyteacher.net
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