Don't shoot the messenger - make up your own mind!
Does a MASTER PLAN to rule the world exist?
YES! It has been known and published in various forms since the Bavarian government circulated
their famous report on the activities and plans of a secret organization called the Illuminati in the 1780's. It has to have
been generations old in planning. George Washington spoke of a secret society called the "Illuminati" and this is what he
had to say about this invisible power behind the throne which seeks to over-throw all forms of government so that they might
inherit the earth:
"Reverend Sir: It was not my intention to doubt that the doctrine of the Illuminati and the principles
of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States. On the contrary, no one is more satisfied of this fact than I am . . ."
(U.S. Government Printing Office, 1941, Vol. 20)
In 1953 the California Senate Investigating Committee reported: "So-called
modern Communism is apparently the same hypocritical and deadly conspiracy to destroy civilization that was founded by the
secret order of the Illuminati in Bavaria on May 1, 1776, and that raised its hoary head in our colonies here as the critical
period before the adoption of our Federal Constitution . . .
Since the official and highly organized founding of the
Syndicate occurred in Europe in 1776, our isolated and founding nation was thus spared the main thrust of its tentacles until
after our revolution occurred and our Constitution adopted."
Just three years after the Communists seized Russia,
there was printed in the Illustrated Sunday Herald dated Feb. 8, 1920, the following statement by Winston Churchill about
the Illuminati: "From the days of Sparticus - Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, to those of Trotsky, Bela-Kuhn, Rosa Luxembourg
and Emma Goldman, this world-wide conspiracy has been steadily growing. This conspiracy played a definitely recognizable role
in the tragedy for the French Revolution. It has been the main-spring of every subversive movement in the 19th Century; and
now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped
the Russian people by the hair of their heads, and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire."
(A. Ralph Epperson, "The New World Order")
In January 1789 the Marquis de Luchet, horrified by the impending onslaught
by the Illuminati, published the following before the fall of the Bastile to warn the people:
"Deluded people; You
must understand that there exists a conspiracy in favor of despotism and against liberty, incapacity against talent, of vice
against virtue, of ignorance against light! It is formed in the depths of the most impenetrable darkness, a society is to
rule the world, to appropriate the authority of sovereigns, to usurp their place . . . Every species of error which afflicts
the earth, every half-baked idea, every invention serves to fit the doctrines of the Illuminati . . . I see that all great
fundamentals which society has made good use of to retain the allegiance of man - such as religion and law - will be without
power to destroy an organization which has made itself a cult, and put itself above all human legislation. Finally, I see
the release of calamities who end will be lost in the night of ages, activities devours the entrails of the globe and escapes
into the air with a violent and devastating explosion."
The founder of the Illuminati, Adam Weishaupt had this to
say, "The most wonderful thing of all is that the distinguished Lutheran and Calvinist theologians who belong to our order
really believe that they see in it the true and genuine sense of Christian religion. O mortal man, is there nothing you cannot
be made to believe."
He went on to write, "The true purpose of the order was to rule the world. To achieve this it
was necessary for the order to destroy all religions, overthrow all governments and abolish private property . . . The strength
of our order lies in its concealment, let it never appear in any place in its own name, but always covered by another name,
and another occupation."
The following document referred to as "The Master Plan" was discovered in 1785, on the
body of a courier who was apparently the victim of being struck by lightning. The British Museum in London purchased a copy
on August 10, 1906.
British journalist Victor Marsden translated the Master Plan into English. His translation was
later published by the English Publishing Society, of London, in 1921.
THE MASTER PLAN
". . . Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the significance of each thought: by comparisons and deductions
we shall throw light upon surrounding facts.
What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two points
of view, that of ourselves and that of the Christians.
It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number
than the good, and therefore the best results in governing them are attained by violence and terrorization, and not by academic
discussions. Every man aims at power, everyone would like to be like a dictator if only he could, and rare indeed are the
men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of securing their own welfare . . .
freedom is an idea but not a fact. The idea one must know how to apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of an
idea to attract the masses of the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who is in authority. This task
is rendered easier if the opponent has himself been infected with the idea of freedom, so-called liberalism, and, for the
sake of an idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that triumph of our theory appears: the slackened
reins of government are immediately, by the law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand, because the blind
might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without guidance, and the new authority merely fits into the place of
the old already weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal
is the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The idea of freedom is impossible of realization because no one knows how
to use it with moderation. It is enough to hand over a people to self-government for a certain length of time for that people
to be turned into a disorganized mob . . .
Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal
discord brings it under the power of external foes - in any case it can be accounted irretrievable lost: it is our power.
The despotism of Capital, which is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the State, willy-nilly, must take
hold of: if not - it goes to the bottom . . .
It is possible for any logical mind to hope with any success to guide
crowds by the aide of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any objection or contradiction, senseless though it may be,
can be made and when such objection may find more favor with the people, whose powers of reasoning are superficial? Men in
masses and the men in masses, being solely guided by petty passions, paltry beliefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theorism,
fall a prey to party dissension, which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a perfectly reasonable argument
. . .
The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is governed by the moral is not a skilled
politician, and therefore unstable on his throne. He who wishes to rule must have our course both to cunning . . . and to
make believe. Great national qualities, like frankness and honest, are vices in politics, for they bring down rulers from
their thrones more effectively and more certainly than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be attributes of the kingdoms
of the Christians but we must in no wise be guided by them . . .
Our power in the present tottering condition of all
forms of power will be more invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible until the moment it has gained such
strength that no cunning can any longer undermine it . . .
Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit
will emerge the good of an unshakable rule, which will restore the regular course of the machinery of the national life, brought
to naught by liberalism. The result justifies the means. Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so much to
what is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful..
Before us is a plan in which is laid down strategically
the line from which we cannot deviate without running the risk of seeing the labour of many centuries brought to naught. In
order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action it is necessary to have regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability
of the mob, its lack of capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its own life, or its own welfare. It must be
understood that the might of a mob is blind, senseless and unreasoning force ever at the mercy of a suggestion from any side.
The blind cannot lead the blind without bringing them into abyss; consequently members of the mob, upstarts from the people
even though they should be as a genius for wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political, cannot come forward as leaders
of the mob without bringing the whole nation to ruin . . .
Our countersign is - force and Make-Believe. Only force
conquers in political affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen. Violence must be the principle,
and cunning and make-believe the rule for governments which do not lay down their crowns at the feet of agents of some new
power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end of good. Therefore we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery
when they should serve towards the attainment of our end. In politics one must know how to seize the property of others without
hesitation if by it we secure submission and sovereignty,
Our state, marching along on the path of peaceful conquest,
has the right to replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory sentences of death, necessary to maintain
the terror which tends to produce blind submission. Just but merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the
State: not only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake of victory . . .
Far back in ancient
times we were the first to cry among the masses of the people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many times
repeated since those days of stupid poll-parrots who from all sides round flew down on these baits and with them carried away
the well-being of the world, true freedom of the individual, so formerly well guarded against the pressure of the mob. The
would be wise men of the Christians, the intellectuals, could not make anything out of the uttered words in their abstractness;
did not note the contradiction of their meaning and inter-relation; did not see that in nature there is no equality, cannot
be freedom; that Nature herself has established inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just as immutably as she
has established subordination to her laws; never stopped to think that the mob is a blind thing, that upstarts elected from
among it to bear rule are in regard to the political, the same blind men as the mob itself.
In all corners of the
earth the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity" brought to our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions who bore our
banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were canker-worms at work boring into the well-being of the Christians,
putting an end everywhere to peace, quiet, solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the Christians states. As you
will see latter, this helped us to triumph; it gave us the possibility, and among other things of getting into our hands the
master card - the destruction of the privileges, or in other words of the very existence of the aristocracy of the Christians,
that class which was the only defense peoples and countries had against us . . .
Our triumph has been rendered easier
by the fact that in our relations with the men whom we wanted we have always worked upon the most sensitive chords of the
human mind, upon the cash account, upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability for the material needs of man; and each one of
these human weaknesses, taken alone, is sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men to the disposition
of him who has bought our activities.
Our international rights will then wipe out the national rights,
in the proper sense of right, and will rule the nations precisely as the civil law of the States rules the relations of their
subjects among themselves. [Editor's Note: Over 200 years ago they were laying plans for the United Nations.]
administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public, with strict regard to the capacities for servile obedience, will
not be persons trained in the art of government, and will therefore easily become pawns in our game in the hands of men of
learning and genius who will be their advisors, specialists bred and reared from early childhood to rule the affairs of the
whole world. As is well known to you, these specialists of our have been drawing, to fit them for rule, the information they
need from our political plans from the lessons of history, from observations made of the events of every moment as it passes.
The Christians are not guided by practical use of unprejudiced historical observation, but by theoretical routine without
any critical regard to consequent results. We need not, therefore, take any account of them - let them amuse themselves until
the hour strikes, or live on hopes of new forms of enterprising pastime, or on the memories of all they have enjoyed. For
them, let that play the principal part of which we have persuaded them to accept as the dictates of science (theory). It is
with this object in view that we are constantly, by means of our press, arousing a blind confidence in these theories. The
intellectuals of the Christians will puff themselves with their knowledge and, without any logical verification of them, will
put into effect all the information available from science, which our agentur specialists have cunningly pieced together for
the purpose of educating their minds in the direction we want . . .
In the hands of the State of today there is a
great force that creates the movement of thought in the people, and that is the press. That part is played by the press is
to keep pointing out requirements supposed to be indispensable, to give voice to the complaints of the people, to express
and create discontent. It is in the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its force; and it has fallen into our
hands. Through the Press we have gained the power of influence while remaining ourselves in the shade; thanks to the Press
we have the gold in our hands, not withstanding that we have had to gather it out of oceans of blood and tears. But it has
paid us, though we have sacrificed many of our people. Each victim on our side is worth in the sight of God a thousand Christians.
The constitution scales of these days will shortly break down, for we have established them with a certain
lack of accurate balance in order that they may oscillate incessantly until they wear through the pivot on which they turn.
The Christians are under the impression that they have welded them sufficiently strong and they have all along kept on expecting
the scales would come into equilibrium . . .
In order to incite seekers after the power to a misuse of power, we have
set all forces in opposition one to another, breaking up their liberal tendencies towards independence. to this end, we have
stirred up every form of enterprises, we have armed all parties, we have set up authority as a target for every ambition.
Of States we have made gladiatorial arenas where a host of confused issues contend . . . A little more, and disorders and
bankruptcy will be universal . . .
Babblers inexhaustible have turned into oratorical contests and the sittings of
Parliament and Administrative Boards. Bold journalists and unscrupulous pamphleteers daily fall upon executive officials.
Abuses of power will put the final touch in preparing all institutions for their overthrow and everything will fly skyward
under the blows of the maddened mob.
All people are chained down to heavy toil by poverty more firmly than ever they
were chained to slavery and serfdom; from these, one way and another, they might free themselves, these could be settled with,
but from want they will never get away. We have included in the constitution such rights as to the masses appear fictitious
and not actual rights. All these so-called "People's Rights" can exist only in idea, an idea which can never be realized in
practical life. What is to the proletariat labourer, bowed double over to this heavy toll, crushed by his lot in life, if
talkers get the right to babble, if journalists get the right to scribble any nonsense side by side with good stuff, once
the proletariat has no other profit out of the constitution save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from our table
in return for their voting in favour of what we dictate, in favour of the men we place in power, the servants of our agentur
. . .
We appear on the scene as alleged saviors of the worker from the oppression when we propose to him to enter
the ranks of our fighting forces - to whom we always give support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the solidarity
of all humanity) of our social masonry. The aristocracy, which enjoyed by law the labour of the workers, was interested in
seeing that the workers were well fed, healthy and strong. We are interested in just the opposite - in the diminution, the
killing out of the Christians. Our power is the chronic shortness of food and physical weakness of the worker because by all
that this implies he is made the slave of our will, and he will not find in his own authorities either strength or energy
to set against our will. Hunger creates the right of capital to rule the worker more surely than it was given to the aristocracy
by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs and with
their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way.
When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord [SATAN]
of all the world to be crowned, it is these hands which will sweep away everything that might be hindrance thereto.
Christians have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the suggestions [brainwashing] of our specialists. Therefore
they do not see the urgent necessity of what we, when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once, namely this, that it is essential
to teach in national schools one simple, true piece of knowledge, the basis of all knowledge - the knowledge of the structure
of human life, of social existence, which requires division of labour, and consequently, the division of men into classes
and conditions. It is essential for all to know that owing to differences in the objects of human activity there cannot be
any equality, that he who by any act of his, compromises a whole class cannot be equally responsible before the law with him
who affects no one but only his own honour. The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the secrets of which we do
not admit the Christians, would demonstrate to all men that the positions and work must be kept within a certain circle, that
they may not become a source of human suffering, arising from an education which does not correspond with the work which individuals
are called upon to do. After a thorough study of this knowledge the peoples will voluntarily submit to authority and accept
such position as is appointed them in the State. In the present state of knowledge and the directions we have given to its
development the people, blindly believing things in print, cherishes - thanks to promptings intended to mislead and to its
own ignorance - a blind hatred towards all conditions which it considers above itself, for it has no understanding of the
meaning of class and condition.
This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic crisis,
which will stop dealings on the exchangers and bring industry to a stand-still. We shall create by all the secret subterranean
methods open to us and with the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis whereby we shall throw
upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush diligently to shed
the blood of those whom, in the simplicity of the ignorance, they have envied from their cradles, and whose property they
will be able to loot.
'Ours' they will not touch, because the moment of attack will be known to us and we shall take
measures to protect our own.
We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the Christians to the sovereignty of
reason. Our despotism will be precisely that; for it will know how, by wise severities, to pacificate all unrest, to cauterize
liberalism out of all institutions.
When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are yielded
to it in the name of freedom, it has imagined itself to be sovereign lord and has stormed its way to power. But, naturally,
like every other blind man it has come upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide, it has never had the
sense to return to the former state and it has laid down its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French Revolution,
to which it was we who gave the name of `Great': the secrets of it preparations are well known to us for it was wholly the
work of our hands . . .
And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever more and more
that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of things, the people are destroying every kind of stability and
creating disorders at every step.
Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this
is precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us and our objectives, but the plan of action
of our force, even its very abiding place, remains for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might
be harmless and have its place in the State economy, without injury to the well-being of the peoples, if it rested upon the
foundation of the faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the conception of equality, which is negatived
by the very laws of creation, for they have established subordination. With such faith as this a people might be governed
by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting
to the dispositions of God upon the earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable for us to undermine all faith, to tear
out of the minds of the Christians the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations
of material needs.
In order to give the Christians no time to think and take note, their minds must be diverted towards
industry and trade. Thus, all nations will be swallowed up in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note
of their common foe. But again, in order that freedom may once and for all disintegrate and ruin communities of the Christians,
we must put industry on a speculative basis: the result of this will be what is withdrawn from the land by industry will slip
through the hands and pass into speculation, that is our class.
We shall create an intensified centralization
of government in order to grip in our hands all the forces of the community. We shall regulate mechanically all the actions
of the political life of our subjects by new laws. These laws will withdraw one by one all the indulgences and liberties which
have been permitted by the Christians, and our kingdom will be distinguished by a despotism of such magnificent proportions
as to be at any moment and in every place in a position to wipe out any Christians who opposes us by deed or word. We shall
be told that despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the progress of these days, but I will prove to you that it is.
Moreover, the art of directing the masses and individuals by means of cleverly manipulated theory and verbiage, by
regulations of life in common and all sorts of other quirks, in which all the Christians understand nothing, belongs likewise
to the specialists of our administration brain. Reared on analysis, observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this
species of skill we have no rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of the plans of political actions and solidarity
. . .
For a time perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the Christians of all the world: but
from this danger we are secured by the discord existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now
be plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings of the Christians, religious and race
hatreds, which we have fostered into a huge growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the reason why there
is not one State which would anywhere receive support if it were to raise its arm, for everyone of them must bear in mind
that any agreement against us would be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong - there is no evading power. The nations
cannot come to even an inconsiderable private without our secretly having a hand in it . . . Capital, if it is to co-operate
untrammeled, must be free to establish a monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in execution by an unseen
hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give political force to those engaged in industry, and that will help
to oppress the people. Nowadays it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead into war; more important to use to
our advantage the passions which have burst into flames than to quench their fire; more important to catch up and interpret
the ideas of others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them. The principal objective of our directorate consists in this:
to debilitate the public mind by criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections calculated to arouse resistance; to distract
the forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty eloquence.
In all ages the peoples of the world, equally with
the individuals, have accepted words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to note, in the public arena,
whether promises are followed by performance. Therefore we shall establish institutions which will give eloquent proof to
their benefit to progress.
We shall assume to ourselves the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all directions,
and we shall give the physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak so much that they will exhaust patience of their hearers
and produce an abhorrence to oratory.
In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state
of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory opinions and for such length of time as will
suffice to make the Christians lose their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing to have no opinion of
any kind in matters political, they are understood only by him who guides the public. This is the first secret.
second secret requisite for success for our government is comprised of the following: To multiply to such an extent national
failings, habits, passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to know where he is in the resulting
chaos, so that the people in consequence will fail to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way,
namely, to sow discord in all parities, to dislocate all collective forces which are still unwilling to submit to us, and
to discourage any kind of personal initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is nothing more dangerous
than personal initiative; if it has genius behind it, such initiative can do more than can be done by millions of people among
whom we have sown discord. We must so direct the education of the Christians communities that whenever they come upon a matter
requiring initiative they may drop their hands in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom of action saps
the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this collision arise gave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures.
By all these means we shall so wear down the Christians that they will be compelled to offer us international power of a nature
that by its position will enable us without any violence gradually absorb all the State forces of the world and to form a
Super-Government. In place of the rulers of today we shall set up a bogey which will be called the Super-Government Administration.
Its hands will reach out in all directions like nippers and its organization will be of such colossal dimensions that it cannot
fail to subdue all the nations of the world.
What we want is that industry should drain off from the land
both labour and capital and by means of speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the world, and thereby throw
all the Christians into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the Christians will bow down before us, if for no other reason
but to get the right to exist . . . We shall raise the rate of wages which, however, will not bring any advantage to the workers,
for at the same time, we shall produce a rise in prices of the first necessaries of life, alleging that it arises from the
decline of agriculture and cattle-breeding; we shall further undermine artfully and deeply sources of productions, by accustoming
the workers to anarchy and to drunkenness and side by side therewith taking all measures to extirpate from the earth all the
educated forces of the Christians.
In order that the true meaning of the things may not strike the Christians before
the proper time we shall mask it under alleged ardent desire to serve the working classes and the great principles of political
economy about which our economic theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda.
of armaments, the increase of police forces - are all essential for the completion of the aforesaid mentioned plans. What
we have to get at is that there should be in all States of the world, beside ourselves, only the masses of the proletariat,
a few millionaires devoted to our interests, police and soldiers.
We must be in a position to respond to every act
of opposition by war with the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us; but if these neighbors should also venture
to stand collectively together against us, then we must offer resistance by universal war.
The principal factor of
success in the political is the secrecy of its undertakings; the world should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat.
must compel the governments of the Christians to take action in the direction favored by our widely-conceived plan, already
approaching the desired consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly prompted by us through the means
of that so-called "Great Power" - the Press, which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the Christians in Europe in check, we shall
show our strength to one of them by terrorist attempts and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against
us, we shall respond with the guns of America or China or Japan.
We must arm ourselves with all the weapons
which our opponents might employ against us. [Editor's Note: We have been playing right into their hands] We must search out
in the very finest shades of expression and the knotty points of the lexicon of law justification for those cases where we
shall have to pronounce judgments that might appear abnormally audacious and unjust, for it is important that these resolutions
should be set forth in expression that shall seem to be the most exalted moral principles cast into legal form. Our directorate
must surround itself with these forces of civilization among which it will have to work. It will surround itself with publicists,
practical jurists, administrators, diplomats and finally, with persons prepared by a special super-educational training in
our special schools. These persons will have cognizance of all the secrets of the social structure, they will know all the
languages that can be made up by political alphabets and words; they will be acquainted with the whole underside of human
nature, with all its sensitive chords on which they will have to play.
These cords are the cast of mind of the Christians,
their tendencies, short-comings, vices and qualities, the particularities of classes and conditions. Needless to say that
the talented assistants of authority, of whom I speak, will be taken not from amongst the Christians, who are accustomed to
perform their administrative work without giving themselves the trouble to think what its aim is, and never consider what
it is needed for. The administrators of the Christians sign papers without reading them, [Editor's Note: The Act of March
9, 1933 is a prime example] and they serve either for mercenary reasons or for reasons of ambition . . .
For a time,
until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible posts in our States to our brother [Iluminists] - we shall
put between them and the people lies an abyss, persons who, in case of disobedience to our instructions, must face criminal
charges or disappear - this in order to make them defend our interest to their last gasp.
For us there
are no checks to limit the range of our activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described
in the accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word - Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell you with a clear
conscience that at the proper time we, the law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and shall spare,
we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. We rule by force of will, because in our hands are
the fragments of a once powerful party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless ambitions, burning
greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have
in our service persons of opinions of all doctrines, restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists, and utopian
dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the
last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established forms of order. By these acts all States are in torture;
they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice everything for peace, but we will not give them peace until they openly
acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with submissiveness.
The people have raised a howl about the necessity
of setting the question of Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional parties has given them
into our hands, for in order to carry on a contested struggle one must have money, and the money is all in our hands . . .
In this way the blind force of the people remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with a leader
and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to our goal . . .
In order not to annihilate the institutions
of the Christians before it is time we have touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the ends of the springs
which move the mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of order, we have replaced them by chaotic license
of liberalism. We have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of elections, into the press, into
liberty of the person, but principally into the education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence.
have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the Christians by rearing them in principles and theories which are know to
us to be false although it is by us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially
altering them, and by merely twisting contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way of
results. These results found expression first in the fact that the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely
hid them from the eyes of governments owing to the impossibility of making anything out of the web of legislation.
is the origin of the theory, of course, of arbitration.
You may say that the Christians will rise upon us, arms in
arms, if they guess what is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have against this a manoeuvre of such appalling
terror that the very stoutest hearts will quail - undergrounds, metropolitans, those subterranean corridors which, before
the time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence those capitals will be blown into the air with all their
organization and archives.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to the various
people: 'Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your
torment - nationalities, frontiers, differences of coinage. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence upon us,
but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you before you make any trial of what we are offering you' . . . Then
will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we have
made an instrument which will set us on the throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the
human race to vote by means of meetings [Editor's Note: Perot's town hall meetings?] and agreements of groups, will then have
served its purposes and will play its part then for the last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance with
us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes and qualifications,
in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating
in all a sense of self-importance, we shall destroy among the Christians the importance of the family and its educational
value and remove the possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to
the front nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it for obedience and attention. In this
way we shall create a blind mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance of
our agents set as its head by us as leaders of the mob . . .
When we introduce into the State organism the poison
of Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change. States have been seized with a mortal illness - blood-poisoning.
All that remains is to await the end of their death agony . . .
In order that our scheme may produce this result we
shall arrange elections in favour of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered stain, some 'Panama' or
other - then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural
desire of everyone whop has attained power, namely, the retention of privileges, but we shall take from it the right to propose
new, or make changes in the existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our
hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with the means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the
heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that same blind slave of ours - the majority of the mob. Independently
of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the
ground that the president, as chief of the whole army of the country, must have at his disposal, in case of need for the defense
of the new republican constitution, the right to defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative of the
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of the shrine will lie in our hands, and no
one outside ourselves will any longer direct the force of legislation . . .
But you as yourselves perfectly well know
that to produce the possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to trouble in all
countries the people's relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle,
envy and even by the use of torture, by starvation. By the inoculation of diseases [AIDS?], by want, so that the Christians
see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty in money and all else.
But if we give the nations
of the world a breathing space the moment we long for is hardly ever to arrive.
This, then, is the program
of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals of the Legislative Corps, (2)
by decrees of the president under the guise of the general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of resolutions of the
State Councils in the guise of ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise - in the form of a revolution
in the State . . . What we want is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the world are still
stunned by the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and uncertainty, they should recognize
once for all that we are so strong, so inexpungable, so superabundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we take any
account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible
power all expression and manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we have seized at once everything
we wanted and shall in no case divide our power with them . . . Then in fear and trembling they will close their eyes to everything,
and be content to await what will be the end of it all.
The Christians are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves.
And you know what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? . . .
There is no other reason why they will close
their eyes: for we shall keep promising them to give back all the liberties we have taken away as soon as we have quelled
the enemies of peace and tamed all parties . . .
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time they
will be kept waiting for this return of their liberties . . .
The word 'freedom,' which can be interpreted
in various ways, is defined by us as follows: -
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. The interpretation
of the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the laws will
abolish or create only that which is desirable for us according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the press
in the following way: What is the part played by the press today? It serves too excite and inflame those passions which are
needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often to vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority
of the public have not the slightest idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with a tight curb;
we shall do the same also with all productions of the printing press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the attacks
of the press if we remain targets for pamphlets and books? . . .
Not a single announcement will reach the public without
our control. Even now this is already attained by us inasmuch as all news items are received by few agencies, in whose offices
they are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only
to what we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the Christians communities
to such an extent that they all come near looking upon the events of the world through coloured glasses of those spectacles
we are setting astride their noses: if already now there in not a single State where there exist for us any barriers of admittance
into what the Christians stupidity calls State secrets; what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged supreme
lords of the world in the person of our king of all the world . . .
All the so-called liberal are anarchists, if not
in fact, at any rate in thought. Everyone of them is hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license,
that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest . . .
In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all
appearance, opposition, which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very antipodes to us. Our real
opponents at heart will accept this simulated opposition as their own and will show us their cards.
All our newspapers
will be all possible complexions - aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical - for so long, of course, as the
constitution exists . . . Like the Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one of them will have a finger
on any one of the public opinions as required. When the pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in the direction of our
aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who think they are repeating
the opinion of the newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion or any opinion that seems desirable for us. In
the vain belief that they are following the organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we hang out to them
. . .
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the existence
of full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers,
since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our orders.
Methods of organization like these,
imperceptible to the public eye but absolutely sure are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence
of the public to the side of our government . . . Thanks to such methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may
be required, to excite or to tranquilize the public mind on political questions, to persuade or to confuse, printing now the
truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions, according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling
our ground before stepping upon it . . . We shall have a sure triumph over our opponents since they will not have at their
disposition organs of the press in which they can give full and final expression of their views owing to the aforesaid methods
of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute them except very superficially.
Trial shots like these,
fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semi-official organs
. . .
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to that of our assumption of full sovereignty
we must not admit any revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime should
be thought to have so perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has disappeared . . . Cases of the manifestation
of criminality should remain known only to their victims and to chance witnesses - no more.
The need for daily bread
forces the Christians to keep silence and be our humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from among the Christians will
at our orders discuss anything which it is inconvenient for us to issue directly in official documents, and we meanwhile,
quietly amid the din of the discussion so raised, shall simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and then offer
them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one will dare demand to abrogation of a matter once settled, all the more so
as it will be represented as an improvement . . . And immediately the press will distract the current thought towards new
questions (have we not trained people always to be seeking something new?) . . .
In order to distract people who may
be too troublesome form discussions of questions of the political, namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let them
discuss themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to take a rest from what they suppose to be political
activity (which we trained them in order to use them as a means of combating the Christians governments) only on condition
of being found new employments, in which we are prescribing them something that looks like the same political objective.
order that the masses themselves may not guess what they are about we further distract them with arguments, games pastimes,
passions, people's palaces . . . Soon we shall begin through the press to propose competitions in art, in sport of all kinds;
these interest will finally distract their minds from questions in which we should find ourselves compelled to oppose them.
Growing more and more disaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions for their own, people will begin to talk in the same
tone as we, because we alone shall be offering them new directions for thought . . . of course through such persons as will
not be suspected of solidarity with us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will finally be played
out when our government is acknowledged. Till such time they will continue to do us good service. Therefore we shall continue
to direct their hands to all sorts of vain conceptions of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive; for have we
not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the Christians with progress, till there is not among the Christians
one mind able to perceive that under this word lies a departure from truth in all cases where it is not a question of material
inventions, for truth is one, and in it there is no place for progress. Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure
truth so that none may know it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators
will expound great problems which have turned humanity upside down in order to bring it at the end under our beneficent rule.
Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were staged-managed by us according to political plan which no one
has so much as guessed at in the course of many centuries? . . .
. . . Useless changes of forms of government
to which we instigated the Christians when we were undermining the state structures, will have so wearied the peoples by that
time they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather than run the risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries
they have gone through.
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the historical mistakes of the Christians
government which have tormented humanity for so many centuries by their lack of understanding of everything that constitutes
the true good of humanity in their chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have never noticed that these schemes
kept producing a worse and never better state of universal relations which are the basis of human life.
force of our principles and methods will lie in the fact that we shall present them and expound them as a splendid contrast
to the dead and decomposed old order of things in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss the shortcomings of the
various beliefs of the Christians, but no one will ever bring under discussion our faith from its true point of view since
this will be fully learned by none save ours, who will never dare to betray its secrets.
In countries known as progressive
and enlightened, we have created a senseless, filthy abominable literature. For some time our entrance to power we shall continue
to encourage its existence in order to provide a telling relief by contrast to the speeches, party program, which will be
distributed from exalted quarters of ours . . . Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the Christians, will compose speeches,
projects, memoirs, articles, which will be used by us to influence the minds of the Christians, directing them towards such
understanding and forms of knowledge as have been determined by us.
When we last definitely come to our
kingdom by the aid of the coups d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after the worthlessness of all existing
forms of government has been definitely acknowledged (and not a little time will pass before that comes about, perhaps even
a whole century) we shall make it our task to see that against us such things as plots shall no longer exist. With this purpose
we shall slay without mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our kingdom. Every kind of new institution
of anything like our secret society will also be punished by death; those of them which are now in existence, are known to
us, serve us and have served us, we shall disband and send into exile to continents far removed from Europe. In this way we
shall proceed with those Christians masons who know too much; such of these as we may for some reason spare will be kept in
constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate a law making all former members of secret societies liable to exile from Europe
as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the Christians
societies, in which we have planted and deeply rooted discord of protestantism, the only way of restoring order is to employ
merciless measures that prove the direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to victims who fall, they suffer for the
well-being of the future. The attainment of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind of
government that acknowledges, as justification for its existence, not only to its privileges but it s obligations. The principal
guarantee of stability of rule is to confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only by such a majestic inflexibility
of might as shall carry on its face of inviolability from mystical cause - from the choice of God. Such was, until recent
times, the Russian autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the world without counting the Papacy . . .
class of people of most willingly enter into secret societies are those who live by their wits, careerists, and in general
people, most light-minded, with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the mechanism of the machine
devised by us. If this world grows agitated the meaning of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order to break up
its solidarity. But if there should arise in its midst a plot, then at the head of that plot will be no other than one of
our most trusted servants. It is natural that we and no other should lead Masonic activities, for we know whither we are leading,
we know the final goal of every form of activity whereas the Christians have knowledge of nothing, not even of the immediate
effect of action.
When it comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its blessings, we shall remake all
legislature, all our laws will be brief, plain, stable, without any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position
to know them perfectly. The main feature will run right through them is submission to orders, and this principle will be carried
to a grandiose height. Every abuse of power subordinate to this last instance will be mercilessly punished that none will
be found anxious to try experiments with their own powers. We shall follow up jealously every action of the administration
on which depends the smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this produces slackness everywhere; not
a single case of illegality or abuse of power will be left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance
between those in service of the administration - all this kind of evil will disappear after the very first examples of severe
punishment. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed his fault, will count as a soldier falling on the administration
field of battle in the interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of those who hold reins of the
public coach should turn aside from the public highway to their own private baths. For example: our judges will know whenever
they feel disposed to plume themselves on foolish clemency they are violating the law of justice which is instituted for the
exemplary edification of the men by penalties for lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the judge . . .
We shall root out liberalism from all the important pots of our government on which depends the training of the subordinates
for our State structure. Such posts will fall exclusively to those who have been trained by us for administrative rule. To
the possible objection that the retirement of old servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly they will be provided
with some private service in place of what they lose, and secondly, I have to remark that all the money in the world will
be concentrated in our hands, consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our government will
have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal guardianship on the part of the ruler. Our own nation and our subjects will
discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their every act, their every inner-relation as subjects one with
another, as well as their relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought that it is impossible
for them to dispense with this wardship and guidance, if they wish to live in peace and quiet, that they will acknowledge
the autocracy of our ruler with a devotion bordering on Apotheosis, especially when they are convinced that those whom we
set up do not put their own in place of his authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we
have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who desire to train their children in the cause of duty
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a breach of established order,
for the exemplary punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
In order to effect the destruction
of all collective forces except ours, we shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism - the universities, by reeducating
them in a new direction. Their officials and professors will be prepared for their business by detailed secret programs of
action from which they will not with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be appointed with special precaution, and
will be so placed as to be wholly dependent upon the Government . . .
We shall erase from the memory of men all facts
of previous centuries which are undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the errors of governments of the
Christians. The study of practical life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of the people one to another, of avoiding
bad and selfish examples which spread the infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature, will stand in the
forefront of the teaching program, which will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling of state of life, in no wise
generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question has special importance.
Each state of life must be trained
within the strict limits corresponding to its destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and always
will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional
genius to let through into the ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who belong to those
ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all this has ended for the Christians who allowed this crying absurdity.
In a word, knowing by experience of many centuries that people live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are
imbibed by people only by the aid of education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying
methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for
long past been directing towards subjects and ideas useful to us. The system of bridling thought is already at work in the
so-called system of teaching by object lessons, the purpose of which is to turn the Christians into unthinking submissive
brutes waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of them . . .
do not usually decline to undertaking any defense whatever, they strive for an acquittal at all costs, caviling over every
petty crux of jurisprudence and thereby they demoralize justice. For this reason we shall set this profession into narrow
frames which will keep it inside this sphere of executive public service. Advocates, equally with judges, will be deprived
of the right of communication with litigants; they will receive business only from the court and will study it by notes of
report and documents, defending their clients after they have been interrogated in court on the facts that have appeared.
They will receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the defense. This will render them mere reporters on law-business
in the interest of justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who will be the reporter in the interests of prosecution; this
will shorten business in the courts. In this way will be established a practice of honest unprejudiced defense conducted from
the not personal interest but by conviction. This will also, by the way, remove the present practice of corrupt bargain between
advocates to agree only to let that side win which pays the most . . .
Day by day its influence on the peoples of
the world is falling lower. Freedom of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only years divide us from the
moment of the complete wrecking of that Christians religion, as to other religions we shall have still less difficulty in
dealing with them, but it would be premature to speak of this now . . .
In our program one-third of our subjects will
keep the rest under observation from a sense of duty, on the principle of volunteer service to the State. It will then be
no disgrace to be a spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be cruelly punished that there may
be no development of abuses of this right.
This body, having no rights and not being empowered to take any action
on their own account, and consequently a police without any power, will only witness and report: verification of their reports
and arrests will depend upon a responsible group of controllers of police affairs, while the actual act of arrest will be
performed by the gendarmerie and the municipal police. Any person not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning questions
of polity will also be charged with and responsible for concealment, if it is proved he is guilty of this crime.
as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk to denounce to the kabal apostates of their own family or members who
have been noticed doing anything in opposition to the kabal, so in our kingdom over all the world it will be obligatory for
all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the State in this direction.
We have compelled the
rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising over measures of secret defense and thereby we shall bring the promise
of authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most insignificant guard, because we
shall not admit so much as a thought that there could exist against him any sedition with which he is not strong enough to
contend and is compelled to hide from it.
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less well-grounded
suspicion; it cannot be allowed that out of fear a possible mistake an opportunity should be given of escape to persons suspected
of a political lapse or crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still possible, by stretching
a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive causes in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons occupying
themselves with question in which nobody except the government can understand anything . . . And it is not all governments
that understand true policy.
Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lap-dog at an elephant.
For a government well organized, not from the police but from the public point of view, the lap-dog yaps at the elephant in
entire unconsciousness of its strength and importance. It needs no more than to take a good example to show relative importance
of both and the lap-dogs will cease to yap and wag their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant.
cries have been produced by us for the Christians by no other means than the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals
have stagnated, withdrawing from States, which were constantly obliged to apply to those same stagnate capitals for loans.
These loans burdened the finances of the state with the payment of interest, and made them the bond slaves of these capitals
. . . The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of the hands of small masters has drained away all the
juices of the peoples and with them also of the States . . .
The present issue of money in general does not correspond
with the requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the workers. The issue of money ought to correspond
with the growth of the population and thereby children must absolutely be reckoned as consumers of currency from the day of
their birth. This revision of issue is a material question for the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard
has been the best ruin of the States which adopted it, for it has been unable to satisfy the demands for money, the more so
that we have removed gold from circulation as far as possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced is the
cost of the working-man power, whether it be reckoned in paper or wood. We shall make the issue of money in accordance with
the normal requirements of each subjects, adding to the quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death.
reform projected by us in the financial institutions and principles of the Christians will be clothed by us in such forms
as will alarm nobody. We shall point out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the disorderly darkness into which the
Christians by their irregularities have plunged the finances. The first irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their
beginning with drawing up a single budget which year after year grows owing to the following cause: this budget is dragged
out to half the year, then they demand a budget to put things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they
ask for a supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget. But, as the budget of the following year is drawn
up in accordance with the sum of the total addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as much as 50 percent in
a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years. Thanks so much methods, allowed by the carelessness of the Christians
States, their treasuries are empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up remainders and brought all the
Christians States to bankruptcy.
You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this kind, which have been
suggested to the Christians by us, cannot be carried on by us . . .
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially
a foreign loan? A loan is - an issue of governments bills of exchange containing a percentage obligation commensurate to the
sum of the loan capital. If the loan bears a charge of 5 percent, then in twenty years the State vainly pay away in interest
a sum equal to the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double sum, in sixty - treble, and all the while the debt
remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of taxation per head of State is bailing
out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to settle accounts with the wealthy foreigners, from who it has borrowed
money instead of collecting these coppers for its own needs without the additional interest.
So long as loans were
internal the Christians only shuffled money from the pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the necessary
person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere all the wealth of the States flowed into our cash-boxes and all
the Christians began to pay us the tribute of subjects . . .
How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the
purely brute brains of the Christians, as expressed in the fact that they have been borrowing from us with the payment of
interest without ever thinking that all the same these very moneys plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by
them from their own State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been simpler than to take the money they
wanted from their own people?
But it is proof of genius of our chosen mind that we have contrived to present the matter
of loans to them in such a light that they have even seen in them an advantage for themselves.
Our accounts, which
we shall present when the time comes, in light of centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the Christians
States, will be distinguished by clearness and definiteness, and will show at a glance to all men the advantage of our innovations.
They will put an end to those abuses to which we owe our mastery over the Christians, but which cannot be allowed in our kingdom
. . .
You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness, to what a pitch of financial disorder they have
arrived, notwithstanding the astonishing industry of their peoples . . .
If everybody expressed his unwillingness
and demanded his money back, the government would be hooked on their flies and would be found insolvent and unable to pay
the proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the Christians governments, knowing nothing about financial affairs, have
always preferred losses on exchange and diminution of interest to the risk of new investments of their moneys, and thereby
many a time enabled these governments to throw off their shoulders a debt of several millions.
Nowadays, with external
loans, these tricks cannot be played by the Christians for they know that we shall demand all our moneys back.
this way an acknowledged bankruptcy will best prove to the various countries the absence of any means between the interest
of the people and those who rule them.
I beg you too concentrate your particular attention upon this point and upon
the following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by the so-called flying loans, that is such as have terms of payments
more or less near. These debts consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve funds. If left for long at the disposition
of a government, these funds evaporate in the payment of interest on foreign loans, and are replaced by the deposit of equivalent
amount of rents.
We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have restored to the rent and
mangled earth the good and also freedom of the person, and therewith we shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and quiet,
with proper dignity of relations, on the condition, of course, of strict observance of the laws established by us . . .
authority will be glorious because it will be all-powerful, will rule and guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators
shrieking themselves hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles and which are nothing else, to speak honestly,
but utopian . . . Our authority will be the crown of order, and in that is included the whole happiness of man. The aureole
of this authority will inspire a mystical bowing of the knee before it and a reverent fear before it of all the peoples. True
force makes no terms with any right, not even with that of God: none date near to it as to take much as a span from it away.
That the peoples may become accustomed to obedience it is necessary to inoculate lessons of humility
and therefore to reduce the production of articles of luxury. By this we shall improve morals which have been debased by emulation
in the sphere of luxury. We shall reestablish small master production which will mean laying a mine under the private capital
of manufacturers. That is indispensable also for the reason that manufacturers on the grand scale often move, though not always
consciously, the thoughts of the masters knows nothing of unemployment, and this binds him closely with the existing order,
and consequently with the firmness of authority. Unemployment is a most perilous thing for a government. For us its part will
have been played out the moment authority is transferred into our hands. Drunkenness also will be prohibited by law and punishable
as a crime against the humanness of man who is turned into a brute under the influence of alcohol.
Subjects, I repeat
once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand which is absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword
for defense and support against social scourges . . . What do they want with an angelic spirit in a king? What they have to
see in him is the personification of force and power."
Henry Ford, the famed auto pioneer, in an interview published in the New York World, February 17, 1921, put
the veracity of the Master Plan very convincingly when he said: "The only statement I care to make about the Master Plan is
that they fit in with what is going on. They are [at least] sixteen years old, and they have fitted the world situation up
to this time. They fit it now." As you can see the "Master Plan", go hand in hand, of what has happened in the past, what
is happening at the present time and what will happen in the future unless they, the Adversaries are destroyed. This small
but powerful group which includes international bankers, industrialists, scientists, military and political leaders, educationalists,
economists, members of the media and religious leaders have used all subversive movements to divide the masses of the people
into opposing camps on political, social, racial, economic and religious issues. They arm the groups and encourage them to
fight with each other. They have created the problems and plan on being the One on the Great White Horse who will save us
from the wars, famines, economic chaos and destruction which they have devised on the sleeping and unsuspecting world. Unfortunately
the people will be willing to accept any offer or solution to save them from that which is to come.
"And from the
days of John the Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffers violence, and violent men take it by force." (Matthew 11:12)
The ENEMY has been EXPOSED, just like in the WIZARD of OZ. We are not Dorothy having a dream. This is reality and
the POWER BEHIND the THRONE IS EVIL and is still very much in existence and operating through many fronts, some of which have
already been discussed in this book.