|Iraq: A War For Israel|
Institute for Historical Review May 2005
The United States Invasion of Iraq in March-April 2003, and
the occupation of the country since then, has cost more than fifteen hundred American lives and many tens of billions of dollars,
and has brought death to many thousands of Iraqis.
Why did President Bush decide to go to war? In whose interests
was it launched?
In the months leading up to the attack, President Bush and other high-ranking US officials repeatedly
warned that the threat posed to the US and world by the Baghdad regime was so grave and imminent that the United States had
to act quickly to bomb, invade and occupy Iraq.
On September 28, 2002, for example, he said: "The danger to our country
is grave and it is growing. The Iraqi regime possesses biological and chemical weapons, is rebuilding the facilities to make
more and, according to the British government, could launch a biological or chemical attack in as little as 45 minutes after
the order is given... This regime is seeking a nuclear bomb, and with fissile material could build one within a year."
March 6, 2003, President Bush declared: "Saddam Hussein and his weapons are a direct threat to this country, to our people,
and to all free people... I believe Saddam Hussein is a threat to the American people. I believe he’s a threat to the
neighborhood in which he lives. And I’ve got good evidence to believe that. He has weapons of mass destruction... The
American people know that Saddam Hussein has weapons of mass destruction."
These claims were untrue. As the world
now knows, Iraq had no dangerous "weapons of mass destruction," and posed no threat to the US. Moreover, alarmist suggestions
that the Baghdad regime was working with the al-Qaeda terror network likewise proved to be without foundation.
if the official reasons given for the war were untrue, why did the United States attack?
Whatever the secondary
reasons for the Iraq war, the crucial factor in President Bush’s decision to attack was to help Israel. With support
from Israel and America’s Jewish-Zionist lobby, and prodded by Jewish "neo-conservatives" holding high-level positions
in his administration, President Bush — who was already fervently committed to Israel — resolved to invade and
subdue one of Israel’s chief regional enemies.
This is so widely understood in Washington that US Senator
Ernest Hollings was moved in May 2004 to acknowledge that the US invaded Iraq "to secure Israel," and "everybody" knows it.
He also identified three of the influential pro-Israel Jews in Washington who played an important role in prodding the US
into war: Richard Perle, chair of the Pentagon’s Defense Policy Board; Paul Wolfowitz, Deputy Defense Secretary; and
Charles Krauthammer, columnist and author. 
Hollings referred to the cowardly reluctance of his
Congressional colleagues to acknowledge this truth openly, saying that "nobody is willing to stand up and say what is going
on." Due to "the pressures we get politically," he added, members of Congress uncritically support Israel and its policies.
Some months before the invasion, retired four-star US Army General and former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Wesley
Clark said in an interview:
"Those who favor this attack [by the US against Iraq] now will tell you candidly, and
privately, that it is probably true that Saddam Hussein is no threat to the United States. But they are afraid at some point
he might decide if he had a nuclear weapon to use it against Israel." 
President Bush’s fervent support for Israel and its
hardline premier is well known. He reaffirmed it, for example, in June 2002 in a major speech on the Middle East. In the view
of "leading Israeli commentators," the London Times reported, the address was "so pro-Israel that it might have been
written by Ariel Sharon." 
Condoleeza Rice, Bush's National Security Advisor, echoed the President’s
outlook in a May 2003 interview, saying that the "security of Israel is the key to security of the world." 
In an address to pro-Israel activists at the 2004 convention of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC),
Bush said: "The United States is strongly committed, and I am strongly committed, to the security of Israel as a vibrant Jewish
state." He also told the gathering: "By defending the freedom and prosperity and security of Israel, you’re also serving
the cause of America." 
Long Range Plans
Jewish-Zionist plans for war against Iraq had been in place
In mid-1996, a policy paper prepared for then-Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu outlined a grand
strategy for Israel in the Middle East. Entitled "A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," it was written under
the auspices of an Israeli think tank, the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies. Specifically, it called
for an "effort [that] can focus on removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq, an important Israeli strategic objective in
its own right..." 
The authors of "A Clean Break" included Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, and David
Wurmser, three influential Jews who later held high-level positions in the Bush administration, 2001-2004: Perle as chair
of the Defense Policy Board, Feith as Undersecretary of Defense, and Wurmser as special assistant to the Undersecretary of
State for Arms Control.
The role played by Bush administration officials who are associated with two major pro-Zionist
"neoconservative" research centers has come under scrutiny from The Nation, the influential public affairs weekly.
The author, Jason Vest, examined the close links between the Jewish Institute for National Security
Affairs (JINSA) and the Center for Security Policy (CSP), detailing the ties between these groups and various politicians,
arms merchants, military men, wealthy pro-Israel American Jews, and Republican presidential administrations.
and CSP members, notes Vest, "have ascended to powerful government posts, where... they’ve managed to weave a number
of issues — support for national missile defense, opposition to arms control treaties, championing of wasteful weapons
systems, arms aid to Turkey and American unilateralism in general — into a hard line, with support for the Israeli right
at its core... On no issue is the JINSA/CSP hard line more evident than in its relentless campaign for war — not just
with Iraq, but 'total war,' as Michael Ledeen, one of the most influential JINSAns in Washington, put it... For this crew,
'regime change' by any means necessary in Iraq, Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia and the Palestinian Authority is an urgent imperative."
Samuel Francis, author, editor and columnist, has also looked into the "neo-conservative" role in fomenting war. 
"My own answer," he wrote, "is that the lie [that a massively-armed Iraq posed a grave and imminent threat to the
US] was fabricated by neo-conservatives in the administration whose first loyalty is to Israel and its interests and who wanted
the United States to smash Iraq because it was the biggest potential threat to Israel in the region. They are known to have
been pushing for war with Iraq since at least 1996, but they could not make an effective case for it until after Sept. 11,
"What has been happening inside the Bush administration is no less a nest of treason than the Soviet spy rings
of the New Deal era, and if political reality doesn’t demand its exposure, simple loyalty to the United States does."
In the aftermath of the 2001 Nine-Eleven terror attacks, ardently pro-Zionist "neo-conservatives" in the Bush administration
— who for years had sought a Middle East war to bolster Israel’s security in the region — exploited the
tragedy to press their agenda. In this they were backed by the Israeli government, which also pressured the White House to
The Jerusalem correspondent for the Guardian, the respected British daily, reported in August 2002: "Israel
signalled its decision yesterday to put public pressure on President George Bush to go ahead with a military attack on Iraq,
even though it believes Saddam Hussein may well retaliate by striking Israel." 
Three months before
the US invasion, the well-informed Washington journalist Robert Novak reported that Israeli prime minister Sharon was telling
American political leaders that "the greatest US assistance to Israel would be to overthrow Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi regime."
Moreover, added Novak, "that view is widely shared inside the Bush administration, and is a major reason why US forces today
are assembling for war." 
Israel's spy agencies were a "full partner" with the US and Britain
in producing greatly exaggerated prewar assessments of Iraq’s ability to wage war, a former senior Israeli military
intelligence official has acknowledged. Shlomo Bron, a brigadier general in the Israel army reserves, and a senior researcher
at a major Israeli think tank, said that intelligence provided by Israel played a significant role in supporting the US and
British case for making war. Israeli intelligence agencies, he said, "badly overestimated the Iraqi threat to Israel and reinforced
the American and British belief that the weapons [of mass destruction] existed." 
For some Jewish
leaders, the Iraq war is part of a long-range effort to install Israel-friendly regimes across the Middle East. Norman Podhoretz,
a prominent Jewish writer and an ardent supporter of Israel, has been for years editor of Commentary, the influential
Zionist monthly. In the Sept. 2002 issue he wrote: "The regimes that richly deserve to be overthrown and replaced are not
confined to the three singled-out members of the axis of evil [Iraq, Iran, North Korea]. At a minimum, the axis should extend
to Syria and Lebanon and Libya, as well as 'friends' of America like the Saudi royal family and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak,
along with the Palestinian Authority, whether headed by Arafat or one of his henchmen."
Patrick J. Buchanan, the well-known
writer and commentator, and former White House Communications director, has been blunt in identifying those who pushed for
"We charge that a cabal of polemicists and public officials seek to ensnare our country
in a series of wars that are not in America’s interests. We charge them with colluding with Israel to ignite those wars
and destroy the Oslo Accords. We charge them with deliberately damaging US relations with every state in the Arab world that
defies Israel or supports the Palestinian people’s right to a homeland of their own. We charge that they have alienated
friends and allies all over the Islamic and Western world through their arrogance, hubris, and bellicosity...
Bono? For whose benefit these endless wars in a region that holds nothing vital to America save oil, which the Arabs must
sell us to survive? Who would benefit from a war of civilizations between the West and Islam?
"Answer: one nation,
one leader, one party. Israel, Sharon, Likud."
Uri Avnery — an award-winning Israeli journalist and author,
and a three-time member of Israel’s parliament — sees the Iraq war as an expression of immense Jewish influence
and power. In an essay written some weeks after the US invasion, he wrote: 
"Who are the winners?
They are the so-called neo-cons, or neo-conservatives. A compact group, almost all of whose members are Jewish. They hold
the key positions in the Bush administration, as well as in the think-tanks that play an important role in formulating American
policy and the ed-op pages of the influential newspapers... The immense influence of this largely Jewish group stems from
its close alliance with the extreme right-wing Christian fundamentalists, who nowadays control Bush's Republican party. ...Seemingly,
all this is good for Israel. America controls the world, we control America. Never before have Jews exerted such an immense
influence on the center of world power."
In Britain, a veteran member of Britain’s House of Commons bluntly
declared in May 2003 that Jews had taken control of America’s foreign policy, and had succeeded in pushing the US into
war. "A Jewish cabal have taken over the government in the United States and formed an unholy alliance with fundamentalist
Christians," said Tam Dalyell, a Labour party deputy and the longest-serving House member. "There is far too much Jewish influence
in the United States," he added. 
For many years now, American presidents of both parties
have been staunchly committed to Israel and its security. This entrenched policy is an expression of the Jewish-Zionist grip
on America’s political and cultural life. It was fervent support for Israel — shared by President Bush, high-ranking
administration officials and nearly the entire US Congress — that proved crucial in the decision to invade and subdue
one of Israel’s greatest regional enemies.
While the unprovoked US invasion of Iraq may have helped Israel,
just as those who wanted and planned for the war had hoped, it has been a calamity for America and the world. It has cost
tens of thousands of lives and many tens of billions of dollars. Around the world, it has generated unmatched distrust and
hostility toward the US. In Arab and Muslim countries, it has fueled intense hatred of the United States, and has brought
many new recruits to the ranks of anti-American terrorists.
Americans have already paid a high price for their
nation’s commitment to Israel. We will pay an ever higher price — not just in dollars or international prestige,
but in the lives of young men squandered for the interests of a foreign state — until the Jewish-Zionist hold on US
political life is finally broken.
1. Remarks by Ernest F. Hollings, May 20, 2004. Congressional
Record — Senate, May 20, 2004, pages S5921-S5925.
2. The Guardian (London), August
3. R. Dunn, "Sharon Could Have Written Speech," The Times (London), June 26, 2002.
4. A. S. Lewin, "Israel’s Security is Key to Security of Rest of World," Jewish Press
(Brooklyn, NY), May 14, 2003. Rice's interview with the Israeli daily Yediot Aharnonot is quoted.
address to AIPAC convention, Washington, DC, May 18, 2004.
6. Text posted at: www.israeleconomy.org/strat1.htm See
also: J. Bamford, A Pretext for War (Doubleday, 2004), pages 261-269; B. Whitaker, "Playing Skittles with Saddam,"
The Guardian (Britain), Sept. 3, 2002.
7. J. Vest, "The Men From JINSA and CSP," The Nation,
Sept. 2, 2002.
8. S. Francis, "Weapons of Mass Deception: Somebody Lied," column of Feb. 6, 2004.
9. Jonathan Steele, "Israel Puts Pressure on US to Strike Iraq," The Guardian (London),
August 17, 2002.
10. Robert Novak, "Sharon’s War?," column of Dec. 26, 2002.
L. King, "Ex-General Says Israel Inflated Iraqi Threat," Los Angeles Times, Dec. 5, 2003.
P. J. Buchanan, "Whose War?," The American Conservative, March 24, 2003.
13. Uri Avnery, "The Night
After," CounterPunch, April 10, 2003.
14. F. Nelson, "Anger Over Dalyell's 'Jewish Cabal'
Slur," The Scotsman (Edinburgh), May 5, 2003; M. White, "Dalyell Steps Up Attack On Levy," The Guardian (London), May 6, 2003.
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