and now the same in writing:
Keith Olbermann & Constitutional Law Prof Jonathan Turley
On Military Commissions Act
To assess what this law will truly mean for us all, I'm joined by Jonathan Turley, professor of constitutional law at George
As always, sir, great thanks for your time.
JONATHAN TURLEY, GEORGE WASHINGTON
UNIVERSITY CONSTITUTIONAL LAW PROFESSOR: Thanks, Keith.
OLBERMANN: I want to start by asking
you about a specific part of this act that lists one of the definitions of an unlawful enemy combatant as, quote, "a person
who, before, on, or after the date of the enactment of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, has been determined to be an
unlawful enemy combatant by a combatant status review tribunal or another competent tribunal established under the authority
of the president or the secretary of defense."
Does that not basically mean that if Mr. Bush or Mr. Rumsfeld say so,
anybody in this country, citizen or not, innocent or not, can end up being an unlawful enemy combatant?
It certainly does. In fact, later on, it says that if you even give material support to an organization that the president
deems connected to one of these groups, you too can be an enemy combatant.
And the fact that he appoints this tribunal
is meaningless. You know, standing behind him at the signing ceremony was his attorney general, who signed a memo that said
that you could torture people, that you could do harm to them to the point of organ failure or death.
So if he appoints
someone like that to be attorney general, you can imagine who he's going be putting on this board.
Does this mean that under this law, ultimately the only thing keeping you, I, or the viewer out of Gitmo is the sanity and
honesty of the president of the United States?
TURLEY: It does. And it's a huge sea change for our
democracy. The framers created a system where we did not have to rely on the good graces or good mood of the president. In
fact, Madison said that he created a system essentially to be run by devils, where they could not do harm, because we didn't
rely on their good motivations.
Now we must. And people have no idea how significant this is. What, really, a time
of shame this is for the American system. What the Congress did and what the president signed today essentially revokes over
200 years of American principles and values.
It couldn't be more significant. And the strange thing is, we've become
sort of constitutional couch potatoes. I mean, the Congress just gave the president despotic powers, and you could hear the
yawn across the country as people turned to, you know, "Dancing with the Stars." I mean, it's otherworldly.
Is there one defense against this, the legal challenges against particularly the suspension or elimination of habeas corpus
from the equation? And where do they stand, and how likely are they to overturn this action today?
Well, you know what? I think people are fooling themselves if they believe that the courts will once again stop this president
from taking over-taking almost absolute power. It basically comes down to a single vote on the Supreme Court, Justice Kennedy.
And he indicated that if Congress gave the president these types of powers, that he might go along.
And so we may
have, in this country, some type of ueber-president, some absolute ruler, and it'll be up to him who gets put away as an enemy
combatant, held without trial.
It's something that no one thought-certainly I didn't think-was possible in the United
States. And I am not too sure how we got to this point. But people clearly don't realize what a fundamental change it is about
who we are as a country. What happened today changed us. And I'm not too sure we're going to change back anytime soon.
And if Justice Kennedy tries to change us back, we can always call him an enemy combatant.
The president reiterated
today the United States does not torture. Does this law actually guarantee anything like that?
That's actually when I turned off my TV set, because I couldn't believe it. You know, the United States has engaged in torture.
And the whole world community has denounced the views of this administration, its early views that the president could order
torture, could cause injury up to organ failure or death.
The administration has already established that it has engaged
in things like waterboarding, which is not just torture. We prosecuted people after World War II for waterboarding prisoners.
We treated it as a war crime. And my God, what a change of fate, where we are now embracing the very thing that we once prosecuted
Who are we now? I know who we were then. But when the president said that we don't torture, that was, frankly,
when I had to turn off my TV set.
OLBERMANN: That same individual fell back on the same argument that
he'd used about the war in Iraq to sanction this law. Let me play what he said and then ask you a question about it.
BUSH: Yet with the distance of history, the questions will be narrowed and few. Did this
generation of Americans take the threat seriously? And did we do what it takes to defeat that threat?
(END VIDEO CLIP)
Does he understand the irony of those words when taken out of the context of this particular passage or of what he perceives
as the war against terror, and that, in fact, the threat we may be facing is the threat of President George W. Bush?
Well, this is going to go down in history as one of our greatest self-inflicted wounds. And I think you can feel the judgment
of history. It won't be kind to President Bush.
But frankly, I don't think that it will be kind to the rest of us.
I think that history will ask, Where were you? What did you do when this thing was signed into law? There were people that
protested the Japanese concentration camps, there were people that protested these other acts. But we are strangely silent
in this national yawn as our rights evaporate.
OLBERMANN: Well, not to pat ourselves on the back too
much, but I think we've done a little bit of what we could have done, and...
TURLEY: That's true.
... I'll see you at Gitmo. Jonathan Turley, constitutional law professor at George Washington University. As always, greatest
thanks for your time, Jon.
TURLEY: Thanks, Keith.