America's Agenda For Global Military Domination


Major Strategic Documents

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For additional information see also the sections
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News & Comments

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Important Reports

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Major Strategic Documents

The National Intelligence Strategy of the United States of America (October 2005)

DoD: National Defense Strategy (NDS) 2005

DoD: National Military Strategy (NMS) 2004

National Counterintelligence Strategy of the United States

The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (September 2002)

DoD: Quadrennial Defense Review Report

PNAC: Rebuilding America's Defenses

FLASHBACK: Defense Strategy for the 1990s: The Regional Defense Strategy


Related Links

Federation of American Scientists

uhuh.com -- Exposing Corruption at the Federal Level

Very Pissed Off Combat Veterans -- And Blueprints For Change By John McCarthy

Agenda for The Empire

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FLASHBACK:

Defense Strategy for the 1990s:
The Regional Defense Strategy


Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney January, 1993

 

 

INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
I. DEFENSE POLICY GOALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
II. THE REGIONAL DEFENSE STRATEGY. . . . . . . . . 
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Underlying Strategic Concepts . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6

 
Planning for Uncertainty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Shaping the Future Security Environment. . . . . .
Strategic Depth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Continued U. S. Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Enduring Requirements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Alliances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
High Quality Personnel. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Technological Superiority. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
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10
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Elements of the Regional Defense Strategy . . . . . .
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Strategic Deterrence and Defense . . . . . . . . . . .
Forward Presence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Crisis Response. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reconstitution. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Translating the Elements into Forces and Programs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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III. REGIONAL GOALS AND CHALLENGES . . . . . . . .
18

 
 
 
 
 
Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
East Asia/Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Middle East/Persian Gulf and South Asia. . . . .
Latin America and the Caribbean . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sub-Saharan Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
24

 
 
INTRODUCTION

 
The past four years have seen extraordinary changes abroad as the Cold War drew to a close.
We have entered a new strategic era. The collapse of the Soviet Union -- the disintegration of the internal as well as the external empire, and the discrediting of Communism as an ideology with global pretensions and influence -- fundamentally altered, but did not eliminate, the challenges ahead. The integration of the leading democracies into a U.S.-led system of collective security, and the prospects of expanding that system, significantly enhance our international position and provide a crucial legacy for future peace. Our national strategy has shifted from a focus on a global threat to one on regional challenges and opportunities. We have moved from Containment to the new Regional Defense Strategy.

The changes made over the past four years have set the nation on a solid path to secure and extend the opportunities and hopes of this new era. America and its allies now have an unprecedented opportunity to preserve with greater ease a security environment within which our democratic ideals can prosper. Where once a European-wide war, potentially leading to nuclear exchange, was perhaps only a few weeks and miles away, today such a threat has fallen back and would take years to rekindle. With the end of the Cold War, there are no global threats and no significant hostile alliances. We have a marked lead in critical areas of warfare. Our alliances, built during our struggle of Containment, are one of the great sources of our strength in this new era. They represent a democratic “zone of peace,” a community of democratic nations bound together by a web of political, economic, and security ties. This zone of peace offers a framework for security not through competitive rivalries in arms, but through cooperative approaches and collective security institutions. The combination of these trends has given our nation and our alliances great depth for our strategic position.

Simply put, it is the intent of the new Regional Defense Strategy to enable the U.S. to lead in shaping an uncertain future so as to preserve and enhance this strategic depth won at such great pains. This will require us to strengthen our alliances and to extend the zone of peace to include the newly independent nations of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, as these now-fragile states succeed in their struggle to build free societies and free markets out of the ruin of Communism. Together with our allies, we must preclude hostile non democratic powers from dominating regions critical to our interests and otherwise work to build an international environment conducive to our values. Yet, even as we hope to increasingly rely on collective approaches to solve international problems, we recognize that a collective effort will not always be timely and, in the absence of U.S. leadership, may not gel. Where the stakes so merit, we must have forces ready to protect our critical interests.
 
Our fundamental strategic position and choices as a nation are thus very different from those we have faced in the past. The choices ahead of us will reset the nation’s direction for the next century. We have today a compelling opportunity to meet our defense needs at lower cost. But as we do so, we must be guided by a strategy that recognizes that our domestic life cannot flourish if we are beset by foreign crises. We must not squander the position of security we achieved at great sacrifice through the Cold War, nor eliminate our ability to shape an uncertain future security environment in ways favorable to us and those who share our values.
 
Guided by the new strategy, we are restructuring our forces to meet the essential demands of strategic deterence and defense, forward presence, crisis response, and reconstitution. As we do so, we are reducing our forces significantly -- by more than a million military and civilian personnel. These reductions will reduce force structure to its lowest level in terms of manpower since before the Korean War and spending to the lowest percentage of GNP since before the attack on Pearl Harbor. Yet even as we reduce our forces in size overall, we must not carelessly destroy their quality or their technological superiority. Along with alliances, high-quality personnel and technological superiority represent capabilities that would take decades to restore if foolishly lost in this time of reductions.
 
Even in this time of downsizing, we must retain capable military forces. For the world remains unpredictable and well-armed causes for conflict persist, and we have not eliminated age-old temptations for nondemocratic powers to turn to force or intimidation to achieve their ends. We have sought through the Regional Defense Strategy to anticipate challenges and opportunities yet to come, to shape a future of continued progress, and to preclude reversals or the emergence of new threats. This document discusses the new strategy in some depth and is intended as a contribution to a national dialogue that very much needs to continue as we look to protecting the nation's interests in the 1990s, and beyond.
 
 
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snip
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CONCLUSION
 

We must preserve the extraordinary environment that has emerged from the challenges of the Cold War -- an environment within which the values of freedom that we and our principal allies hold dear can flourish. We can secure and extend the remarkable democratic “zone of peace” that we and our allies now enjoy, preclude threats, and guard our national interests.
 
The Gulf War is a vivid reminder that we cannot be sure when or where the next conflict will arise. In early 1990, many said there were no threats left because of the Soviet commitment to withdraw from Eastern Europe; very few expected that we would be at war within a year. The experience of the past century is replete with instances in which enormous strategic changes often arose unexpectedly in the course of a few years or even less. This is not a lesson that we should have to keep learning anew.
 
As we reshape America’s military and reduce its size, we must be careful that we do so in accordance with a defense strategy and a plan that will preserve the integrity of the military capability that we have so carefully built. If we choose wisely today, we can do well something America has always done badly before --we can draw down our military force at a responsible rate that will not end up endangering our security. The new Regional Defense Strategy has set a course to ensure our ability to deal with potential threats and shape the environment in ways favorable to our security.
 
(Signed)
Dick Cheney
 
 
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